The past few weeks have seen the most
vile assaults on Indian nationhood. In the Kashmir Valley, emboldened
separatists have desecrated the Indian tricolour with glee. The hitherto
ambivalent slogan of azadi has become a defiant, full-throated acceptance of
Pakistan. "We are Pakistanis and Pakistan is us because we are tied with the
country through Islam," the Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani told a mass
rally in Srinagar on August 18, adding, "Hum Pakistani hain, Pakistan hamara
hai." Simultaneously, the assumptions on which Indian democracy rests have been
challenged by a Taliban-like advocacy of Nizam-e-Mustafa (state based on divine
law).
Police investigations in another part of India have revealed
the murderous conspiracy of a group calling itself the Indian Mujahedeen. Made
up of educated, lower-middle class Muslims, these ideologically-driven fanatics
have made it their life's mission to wage a bloody jihad against non-believers.
They too, have openly debunked the principles on which the Indian political
order rests. According to the boastful email the IM sent minutes before the
Ahmedabad blasts on July 26, "The terms democracy, secularism, equality,
integrity, peace, freedom, voting, elections are yet another fraud with us." The
group has also directed its ire at the "faithless infidels and their hypocrite
allies from amongst the so-called Muslims...who have bartered their faith in
return of just one seat in the Parliament."
A striking feature of
these threats is the resulting disarray in the liberal establishment. While the
more weak-kneed and cosmopolitan intellectuals have advocated total surrender,
others have fallen back on denial. The ruling Congress Party, for example, has
equated demonstrators waving the national tricolour with those flaunting the
Pakistan flag. Cabinet ministers have defended the terrorist SIMI and new-found
allies of the UPA have rushed to console the family of the man the police
believes was responsible for the murder of some 150 innocent Indians. Most
important, homilies apart, there has been no meaningful intervention by those
who felt that the Nehruvian ideal was the last word in India's political
evolution.
This disoriented silence is understandable. The Nehruvian
project rested on the assumption that the emotional foundations of India would
become unshakeable if the Muslim minority were allowed a generous measure of
separateness and firewalled from the intrusions of both the secular state and
civil society. Nehru believed that "temporary provisions" giving a special
status to J&K in the form of Article 370 would reconcile Kashmiri
sub-nationalism with Indian nationhood. A common civil code was also put on hold
because he felt that in time Muslims would voluntarily accept the idea of
non-religious personal laws.
While Nehru viewed separateness as a
temporary balm on the scars of Partition, his successors elevated it to a
non-negotiable tenet of Indian secularism. The results have been hideous. Far
from nurturing a Amar-Akbar-Anthony form of multi-culturalism, separateness
nurtured both ghettoisation and separatism. The perverse mindset of SIMI and IM
activists, for example, is almost entirely a creation of the ghetto and centred
on an abstract ummah that takes precedence over actual neighbours. The
similarities between the IM mindset and the radical Islamism of the Pakistani
ghettos in Britain are striking. And the problem in both countries has been
encouraged by an intelligentsia that equates liberty with licence and turns
every complaint into victimhood.
Likewise, the dispute over 40
hectares of land was rapidly politicised and projected as a conflict between
Kashmir and India. The transformation was possible because Article 370 had
created the emotional space for separatism. Nowhere else in India have laws for
the protection of 'locals' become a ruse for open
secessionism.
Nehru's multicultural brainwave was opposed by many
nationalists at the time. To them, emotional separatism was the precursor to
actual separation as happened in 1947. They were right. Today, India is paying
the price of Nehru's monumental folly.